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Organizing tactics
split labor AFL-CIO leaders agree that
unions need more members. Whether to focus on recruiting or boosting
clout is the point of contention. By Jane M. Von Bergen Inquirer Staff Writer
LAS VEGAS - During argumentative meetings
of the AFL-CIO's executive council this week in Las Vegas, a
disagreement between two former Philadelphia labor activists turned
into a curse-filled shouting match that could be heard in the
hall.
In a casino conference room, Andrew L. Stern, head of the
1.8-million-member Service Employees International Union, and Gerald
W. McEntee, who leads the 1.4-million-member American Federation of
State, County and Municipal Employees, were fighting over who should
represent 50,000 child-care workers in Illinois.
Jurisdictional disputes are nothing new in organized labor, and
this one was but a subplot in a pivotal time for the AFL-CIO. But it
spoke to an underlying challenge in labor's struggle to reverse a
trend of declining union membership.
AFL-CIO president John J. Sweeney will have to resolve the issue.
The moral of the story, labor leaders say, is that, in issues big
and small, labor unions need to fight for workers, rather than
against each other.
Yet a larger battle between Stern, who has threatened to pull his
members out over strategies for organizing, and McEntee has the
AFL-CIO looking closely at itself.
Leaders of international unions came out of the meetings charged
up, stirred by a chance to reexamine the core mission of the
AFL-CIO, with its 58 unions representing 12.9 million workers. One,
a Stern ally and a possible AFL-CIO presidential candidate, called
this week's gathering a relief from the "highly scripted meetings"
of the past.
'A high degree of tension'
"I think there's a high degree of tension," said John W. Wilhelm,
a leader of Unite Here, the hotel and textile workers' union, who
may try to unseat Sweeney in July. "We're in deep trouble. We need
to have a debate, but also a fight about how to turn this
around."
While the number of U.S. workers has risen 42 percent, to 123.6
million, in the last 25 years, the number in unions has fallen 26
percent, to 15.5 million.
What union leaders seem to agree on is that something must change
if organized labor is to retain any clout on the job or as a
political force.
One thing that must change, Wilhelm said Thursday, is labor's
knee-jerk support of Democrats. "The AFL-CIO political program has
devolved to the point where we are only an appendage, or a wing, of
the Democratic Party," he said.
Three days earlier, Democratic National Chairman Howard Dean -
who for a time had been the front-runner for the 2004 Democratic
presidential nomination - had told the labor leaders that the
strength of the Democratic Party and of organized labor are closely
tied.
Dean's visit came as arguments swirled over how much emphasis the
AFL-CIO should put on politics.
There again, Stern and McEntee clashed. Stern, who got his union
start as a social worker in Philadelphia in the early 1970s, prefers
an emphasis on recruitment and organizing. McEntee, who was a leader
in AFSCME's District Council 33 in Philadelphia at the time, says
labor must change a harsh political environment so it can recruit
more workers. Stern says that if labor doesn't first recruit more
workers, it won't have enough clout to change the political
environment.
Sweeney's proposal
Sweeney has proposed increasing political and legislative funding
by one-third, to $45 million a year. And he would convert the
AFL-CIO's organizing program of technical assistance and grants into
$15 million worth of dues rebates for unions to use to organize in
their core industries.
Stern and Wilhelm, along with allies from the Laborers'
International and the United Food and Commercial Workers Unions had
backed a Teamsters plan that would have rebated up to $45 million in
dues for such core-industry organizing.
That's partly what made the dispute between Stern and McEntee on
Illinois child-care workers so interesting. Which could rightfully
claim these workers as a core industry?
Both unions represent public workers - the Illinois child-care
workers are independent contractors who work primarily for the
state. Stern's SEIU had been organizing those workers for years, and
had negotiated an agreement with the Illinois government to allow
the workers to unionize. But McEntee's AFSCME says that it has more
experience representing child-care workers - 150,000 throughout the
nation - and that it already represents state employees in
Illinois.
Sweeney will probably be able to resolve this dispute. But the
larger philosophical question is much harder.
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