If, as is very likely, John Sweeney withdraws his name as a candidate
for reelection as AFL-CIO president, he is almost certain to endorse
Secretary Treasurer Richard Trumka, the second-in-command, at the
federation’s convention in July.
There are precedents for the No. 2 man in the AFL-CIO hierarchy to
advance to the top position when a vacancy occurs. George Meany and Lane
Kirkland were both secretary-treasurers before they were elected to the
presidency.
Sweeney had indicated about a year ago that he wanted to serve another
four years as president, but he has encountered strong opposition from a
group of top labor leaders who represent about 40% of the total federation
membership. Given labor’s dismal record during Sweeney’s ten-year tenure,
he knows he would go down to a humiliating defeat if he decided to run.
Trumka, a former president of the United Mine Workers, who gained
national attention for his courageous leadership in the Pittston Coal Co.
strike, is the AFL-CIO’s leading strategist in major organizing campaigns
and labor’s capital investment activities. He is one of labor’s best
public speakers and a favorite at major demonstrations. He would be the
preferred candidate of the construction and manufacturing unions.
The only possible opposition to Trumka might come from John Wilhelm,
co-president of Unite Here, whose name has been frequently mentioned as a
candidate for the top AFL-CIO post. Wilhelm, a veteran union organizer,
does not have Trumka’s broad experience and credentials. But he could
count on the support of Andy Stern, president of the 1.6 million Service
Employees, who was his associate in the now defunct New Unity Partnership.
Stern is probably the only labor leader who could realistically
challenge Trumka, but the strong odds are that he won’t.
In the hope of avoiding a bruising election battle that could fracture
the AFL-CIO, Trumka might offer the Stern camp the position of
secretary-treasurer and a few other concessions. A Trumka-Wilhelm ticket
could avert the need for an election at the AFL-CIO’s convention.
The Executive Council meeting will have to make some crucial decisions
that will drastically change the labor movement, possibly for decades. It
is fairly certain that the national AFL-CIO will be required to turn over
as much as 50% of its per capita revenue and sharply curtail its
activities, with multimillions of dollars returned to the large
international unions for organizing.
The questionable assumption by virtually every top labor leader is that
spending more money on organizing is the key that will recruit millions of
non-union workers. Aside from the fact that giant corporations can
outspend unions at the money game, there is no coherent strategy for large
scale organizing.
In the last 50 years, the AFL-CIO has been able to organize fewer than
a handful of companies that employ 25,000 workers or more. Compare this
record with the achievement of the early days of the CIO, when General
Motors, Ford, Chrysler, General Electric, Westinghouse, Western Union,
Caterpillar and dozens of other major companies were organized in a couple
of years.
A thorny question before the Council will be how to restructure the
AFL-CIO and its affiliated unions to improve their effectiveness. Heated
debate is expected over Stern’s proposal to shrink the AFL-CIO’s 58
internationals into no more than 20 “mega unions,” with each focusing on a
particular sector of the nation’s economy.
While Stern has conducted a high-powered media campaign, including an
extensive cover story in The New York Times Magazine, his keystone
proposal for compulsory mergers has found hardly any support from top
labor leaders or an enthusiastic response from any rank-and-file group,
except from his own members.
Stern says he wants “real” changes, not “cosmetic” ones. He tells union
members how to judge the decisions of the Council: “After each statement
of a lofty-sounding goal, look for the fine print. Where’s the funding on
a whole new scale, the strategy to win, standards and accountability, and
a structure that matches the strategy. If these elements aren’t part of
the plan, there is no plan.”
Perhaps the most important decision that will come up for intense
discussion is the future role of state federations and central labor
councils. It is doubtful that these affiliates will get much of what
they’ve asked for, since they have no representatives either on the
Executive Committee or the Executive Council to plead their case.
Stern has placed an unusually high bar for the Executive Council to
vault. If he doesn’t get his “mega unions,” is he prepared to accept
compromise solutions or will he follow through on his threat to quit the
AFL-CIO and set up his own labor federation? A clue to his intentions will
come during and after the Council meeting.
The Council’s recommendations will not be final. They will be presented
to the delegates at the July convention in Chicago, along with other
resolutions from affiliated unions. In the next five months, there may be
many twists and turns in the ongoing debate about labor’s future.
Our weekly “LaborTalk” and “Labor and the War” columns
can be viewed at our Web site http://www.laboreducator.org/,
My e-mail address is hkelber@igc.org.
